| Internationalist Workers' Left (DEA) Διεθνιστική Εργατική Αριστερά (ΔΕΑ) |
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|---|---|
| Leader | Elected Central Committee |
| Founded | 2001 |
| Headquarters | Athens |
| Newspaper | Workers' Left |
| Ideology | Democratic revolutionary socialism, Marxism, Leninism, Trotskyism |
| Political position | Far-left |
| Official colours | Red |
| Website | |
| http://www.dea.org.gr/ | |
| Politics of Greece Political parties Elections |
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The Internationalist Workers' Left (Greek: Διεθνιστική Εργατική Αριστερά, Diethnistiki Ergatiki Aristera, abbreviated ΔΕΑ or DEA) is a revolutionary marxist organization in Greece, founded in 2001, having split from Socialist Workers' Party-International Socialist Tendency (SEK-IST). It is particularly active in the Greek Social Forum[1] and Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA). It maintains a sisterhood relationship with the International Socialist Organization (ISO) in the United States.[2] Through the ISO, DEA has developed connections with Socialist Alternative (Australia) and Movement for Socialism (Switzerland).[3]
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DEA was founded on March 3, 2001, after having split from SEK - the Greek section of the International Socialist Tendency - earlier in that year.[4] SEK announced that "a small group had departed".[5] DEA reported that the majority of Athens members had joined the opposition.[6] According to DEA[4][6] there were differences focusing on
One of the results was discredibility within the Greek movement an the left.[7] DEA refers to the principles of International Socialists (see Ideology bellow) and the Organization Socialist Revolution (OSE), predecessor of SEK until 1997. Members of DEA - as members of OSE or other organizations - (such us Antonis Davanellos) were involved in the Polytechnic Insurrection in 1973 against the military jounta.
During the founding conference Socialistis Erghatis (Socialist Worker, Greek: Σοσιαλιστής Εργάτης) - a group from Thessaloniki that had left OSE during the early 1990s and went on to function around a newspaper - joined DEA. A group around the political left magazine "Manifesto" also joined during the founding conference, only to leave with Kokkino three years later (see 2004 crisis bellow).
From its foundation, DEA engaged in movement organizing, starting with the international demonstration against the G8 summit at Genoa, in 2001. DEA's initiative, called Greek Committee for the International Demonstration of Genoa, went on to be endorsed by other groups of the Left in Greece, such as the Youth of Synaspismos, Xekinima, A/synechia (later Communist Organization of Greece (KOE)), as well as other forces of the Space for Dialogue for the Unity and Common Action of the Left[8] (Greek: Χώρος Διαλόγου για την Ενότητα και Κοινή Δράση της Αριστεράς). This initiative later took the form of International Action initiative, which went on to organize the Greek movement participation in the first European Social Forum (ESF) held in Florence, Italy, in 2002.
The success of the first ESF, as well as the scheduled assumption of European Union's presidency by Greece in 2003, facilitated the transformation of International Action into Greek Social Forum (GSF).[1] The GSF was the major organizer of the protests against all summits of EU ministers held in Greece during the six-month "Greek presidency", including a final rally in Salonica, during the EU leaders summit in June 2003. However, the GSF's major impact and public image in Greece was the organization of the 2003 demonstrations against the war in Iraq, which brought together hundreds of thousands of protesters, especially during February and March, first weeks of the assault.
DEA continues to participate in Greek Social Forum today. One of the biggest successes of the Greek Social Forum was the co-organization of the 4th European Social Forum in Athens (May 2006), which included a 90,000 strong demonstration. However, the Greek Social Forum has seen a downfall in the years since. This happened for various reasons, one of which was the downplay of the GSF by Synaspismos.
DEA participated in the legislative elections of 2004 with Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) in cooperation with Coalition of Left (SYN) and other Greek left parties. The organization joined the alliance, under the conditions described as the "four NOs": No to war, no to racism, no to neoliberalism, no to center-left. These terms, set in 2004, only served as a starting point of principles for a collaboration and have been advanced and altered over the years. DEA claims this tactic to be a "special type" of United front. During the electoral campaign, DEA defended the organization's right to use its own leaflets, poster, newspaper etc., along with the alliance's. This set a referring point for elections to come, and for the rest of the organizations later to join in .
DEA did not participate in the Euroelections of 2004, due to the violation of the coalition principles by SYN leadership. The latter turned once again to center-left politics, through SYN's president engagement in a discuccion for his election as President of Greece - a move however that discredited him and center-left politics in SYN's membership.
DEA came into a crisis little before the 2004 Euroelections, when two different groups chose to leave the organization. One formed the political group Kokkino (Red) and the other, smaller, named Internationalist Socialist Intervention (DSP), soonafter joined Organization of Communist Internationalists of Greece-Spartacus (OKDE-Spartakos), the Greek Section of the Reunified Fourth International.
On the one hand (DSP's point of view) was the dispute over the decision whether or not to enter the SYRIZA coalition. Key arguments were based on the reformist's discredibility and mainly the - relative to SYN - small size of DEA that would not allow the revolutionaries to intervene in the course of the coalition.
On the other hand (Kokkino's view) was the argument of participating in SYRIZA even without the "written" denunciation of center-leftism. Moreover, this was combined with minimizing DEA's organizational structures and differences within the SYRIZA coalition as well as the broader movement. This tactic was based on the estimation of the "permanent defeat" of center - left politics (and thus reformism) within the Greek Left, as well as the European. In 2009 Kokkino would split, with a small group arguing over the failure of the organization's political estimations and strategy towards SYN, and partly over the organizational method. The new group (APO, Anticapitalist Political Group) is part of the Overthrough and Solidarity Front - MAA, see bellow - with DEA and other forces.
DEA overcame this crisis very rapidly.
DEA participated again in the legislative elections of 2007 with SYRIZA - after the "left turn" in the 2006 SYN's convention -, in the European elections of 2009 (SYRIZA got 5.04% of the vote). Meanwhile, KOE (in 2007) and Xekinima (CWI) (in 2008) had also joined the SYRIZA coalition.
SYRIZA had played a significant (if not crusial - especially in the political level) role in the movement for public univercity education (2006–2007) and - predominantly - in the movement for the defence of article 16 (public-only university education in the country) of the Greek Constitution during the constitutional reform of 2007. This policy gave the coalition a unique dynamic, giving it an estimated 18% in polls during 2007-8.
The party of SYN, interpreted this success as a "demand" for a "responsible opposition" and for a "governmental program" - most of which was "realistic" measures (according to the tradition of eurocommunism) or even "alternative, realistic bill proposals". This damaged SYRIZA's image, since it gave the signal of a return to center left politics. DEA questioned this tactic, and counterposed the need for empasis on the support of social struggles.
A major landmark in the history of SYRIZA was the December revolt in 2008. SYRIZA (and A. Alavanos, its parliamentary chairman and president of SYN) was the first parliamentary party (in 70 years or so) to support a riot. This resulted in its targeting by the right wing government, the Far Right, by PASOK and even the KKE. On the other hand, as a result its credibility in the Left and the radicalising youth.
During these years, SYRIZA became an inspiration for - over the years - disappointed and demobilized activists on the left, who now approached the coalition in numbers. This fact was the basis for a discussion to "democratise" SYRIZA, giving rights and obligations to members that are not affiliated to any of the allied organizations. One basic measure to be adopted in order to deal with this issue was establishing meetings of SYRIZA affiliates from all over Greece. Over the years semi-party structures at local, peripheral and central level have been established. Part of the "unaffiliated" memebers as well as some organizations (e.g. AKOA) supported that this was the main problem of SYRIZA, and that the coalition should be transformed into a unified party.
Meanwhile, A. Alavanos was succeeded in SYN's leadership by A. Tsipras, while the former remained parliamentary chairman of SYRIZA.
Shortly after the 2009 euroelections, SYN came into crisis, with its 2 main leadership figures - A. Alavanos and A. Tsipras - coming into conflict. Although it was a widely discussed conflict, the real reasons behind it were not uncovered. DEA refused to take sides, especially when there were no political arguments from neither. DEA participated with its maximum capacity with SYRIZA in the legislative elections of 2009, that brought to power the social democratic PASOK.[9]
After the elections, SYN leadership, turned to the so-called "programmatic opposition" ("separating the positive and progressive from the negative and neoliberal policies of PASOK"). According to DEA, this meant "giving time" for the new government to adjust, and not preparing the movement for the coming attacks. In DEA's view, in some cases this meant supporting some government bills and naming them "progressive". Similar arguments were made by KOE, A. Alavanos, other groups and some unaffiliated "members" of SYRIZA.
In January 2010, the dead end by SYN's attitude (not enforcing 3rd meetings decisions) lead to the formation of "Front of Solidarity and Overthrow" (Greek: MAA - Μέτωπο Αλληλεγγύης και Aνατροπής, Metopo Alilegiis ke Anatropis) from the above forces.
According to DEA, MAA has been an effort to counterbalance the right turn of SYN, in order to protect and develop the left wing policy of SYRIZA. Some main points of MAA were:
SYN accused MAA of trying to split SYRIZA, as well as of "ultraleftism"[10] and "national-centrism". In the months to come the dispute escalated, resulting in a "split" in the prefectural elections in Attica, November 2010.
The Prefectural Elections were preceded by Greece's appeal to the International Monetary Fund and six general strikes (especially May 5, 500.000 protesters nationwide) .[9] These developments gave the peripheral elections the character of a "poll against or for the government policy". SYN chose to enforce as a candidate of SYRIZA for the Attica region (largest region, half the country's population) A. Mitropoulos, a questionable cadre of PASOK, that stated his rejection of PASOK policy, although not wishing to overthrow the government. The leadership of SYN saw this as a "chance to appeal to the voters of PASOK", while "pouring water in SYN's and SYRIZA's wine".[9]
This violation of SYRIZA's agreed independent left policy, was rejected by the forces of MAA. When A. Mitropoulos was announced as SYN's candidate, MAA announced its separate participation in Attica prefecture elections, with A. Alavanos as candidate.[11]
This "tacticism" by SYN's leadership was criticized by the "Left Current" tendency of the party[12] as well by the party's youth organization, although they did not openly vote down the official candidate for the elections.
DEA publishes Ergatiki Aristera (Worker's Left) newspaper biweekly and a theoretical issue called Diethnistiki Aristera (International Left). In early 2009 "Ergatiki Aristera" moved from a 12-page to a 16-page edition.
DEA is also involved in periodical publications of rank-and-file organizations in high school students, university campus and the antiracist movement.
DEA is currently active in a number of trade unions
etc.
DEA has several immigrants in its membership and is well established in the antiracist movement through the initiatives of "Sunday Immigrants' School" (Greek: Κυριακάτικο Σχολείο Μεταναστών) and Deport Racism Organization (Greek: Κίνηση Απελάστε το Ρατσισμό). The main characteristic of "Deport racism" is the idea that both immigrant and local workers have common interests and thus should be in common trade unions and organizations of the Left. This differentiates it from other perspectives in the antiracist movement. On the other hand, it supports the widest possible coordination for campaigning migrants' rights as well as challenging the far right and fascists. "Deport Racism" also took part in the movement defending the 300 immigrants hunger strike in early 2011.
In high schools DEA is involved with School Students Against the System (Greek: Μαθητές μαθήτριες Ενάντια στο Σύστημα, ΜΕΣ, MES) and in universities with Univ. Students Against the System (Greek: Φοιτητές Φοιτήτριες Ενάντια στο Σύστημα, ΦΕΣ, FES). (...Against the System of war, profit and racism)
Usually each year the student branches organize a summer camp in late July. This summer camp is youth oriented and it attempts to combine political discussions and a kind of collective vacations in organized camping sites by the sea. The political discussions part (especially in the -for the monent- lack of an annual Socialism or Marxism conference, typical in IST-type organizations) is an effort to build theoretically on issues of current politics, historic events of the workers' movement as well as marxist tradition.
DEA puts itself in the current of the revolutionary marxist left, founded by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels and continued by the Bolsheviks, the mass party that led the socialist revolution of 1917 in Russia. The organization refers to the contribution of Marxist revolutionaries such as bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin, Rosa Luxemburg, Antonio Gramsci and Leon Trotsky, bolshevic leader and prominent challenger of the rise of stalinism. DEA also refers to the contribution of Pandelis Pouliopoulos, the founding member and first General Secretary of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) during the 1920s, expelled in 1927 being accused of "Trotskyism". In general, DEA holds the basic positions of the "International Socialists" current.
According to the organization's newspaper,[13] "DEA fights for:
through the independent action of the working class
Workers create all the wealth within capitalism. A new society relieved from exploitation – socialism – can only be built when workers collectively take control of the social wealth and plan production and distribution according to human needs.
and not reformism
Capitalism can’t be fixed. It must be overthrown through workers’ action. There is no parliamentary road for such a change. The parliament, the army, the police, justice, the entire bourgeoisie state functions in order to protect the interests of the ruling class. The working class will need its own state, based on direct democracy, on the councils of delegates from the working places, as well as on the workers’ militia.
and not “socialism in one country” or “socialism with national colours”
The experience of Russia proves that even a victorious socialist revolution, like the 1917 October, cannot survive in isolation. The regimes of USSR, after the establishment of Stalinism, as well as the regimes of China and the rest of the Eastern Countries were or continue to be state capitalisms, where the exploitation and repression of the working class is no different from the West. This is why we support all workers’ insurrections against the bureaucratic ruling class of these countries.
We also support all national liberation movements that resist imperialist oppression. The power that will totally smash imperialism is the unity of the working class on an international scale, from New York to Seoul and from London to São Paulo.
We oppose all forms of chauvinism, racism or sexist discrimination that threatens to divide the workers. Against the anti-Turkish warmongering of “our” ruling class, we support the slogan "Greeks and Turks workers united". We oppose the oppression of the minorities in Thrace and Macedonia and the measures that restrain immigrants.
of the most militant workers
The working class can liberate itself and all the oppressed through its own action. In order to convince all the parts of the class to join this fight it is necessary for the most determined and militant parts to organize in a revolutionary socialist workers party. Such a party can persuade the workers for the revolutionary perspective, by intervening in the mass struggle. We oppose every perception of substitution of the class, wherever it comes from."
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